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SERMON, 



PREACHED IN BOSTON, AUGUST 20, li\2. 



THE DAY OF 



HUMILIATION AND PRAYEB, 



APPOINTED BY THE 



PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES, 



IN CONSEQUENCE OF 

THE DECLARATION OF WAR AGAINST 
GREAT BRITAIN. 



BY WILLIAM ELLEUY CHANNING, 

MINISTER OF THE CHURCH IN FEDERAL STREET. 



PUBLISHED AT THE BEQUEST OF THE HEARERS. 



BOSTON : 

PRINTED BY C. STEBBINS, 

.Vo. 4, Suffolk Buildings. 



1813. 



I-F:^„ J' I 



PIBUOTHl^Ue 1 
^HILiAfbAONON, 
QUlilftCAMAOA. 



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11 



' THE author is not iiueuible to the many imperfectionB of 

this diseoorse, and he laments that his eDgagements have not permitted him 
to render it leu unworthy the favourable opinion, which was expressed by 
those who heard it. He hu consented to publish it, because he considers it 
closely connected with his late Fast Sermon, and because he wishes to 
expreu with greater precision some important sentiments, which were sog* 
gested in that discourse, but to which he was not able to give the time and 
attention which they deserve. 



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ACTS xxnr. w. 



Herein do I exerciai myself, to have alieays a 
conscience void of offence toward God and toward 
man. 



A CONSCIENCE void of offence is an 
inestimable blessing. We need it in prosperity — 
for no condition however prosperous can give bappi- 
ness; if our own hearts reproach us, if remorse mingle 
itself with our recollections of the past, and the 
dread of retribution with our anticipations of futu- 
rity. We peculiarly need it in adverse and peril- 
ous times — for it has power to impart serenity, 
firmness, and hope, when every outward event con- 
spires to depress and overwhelm us. In periods of 
publick calamity,happy is that man,whose conscience 
approves him, who carries with him the supporting 
reflection, that he has been faithful in the sphere 
assigned him by Providence ; that he has laboured, 
according to his power, to avert the ruin, which 
threatens liis country ; that he has not hastened 
or aggravated national suffering, by abusing the 
rights of a citizen, or violating the duties of a man 
and a christian. To aid you in securing to your- 
selves, this support and consolation, I propose to 
point out to you some of the duties, which belong 
to the period, in which we live, particularly those 
duties, which grow out of our relations to our ni • 



■"""x* 'P't"tS^V^- 



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lers and our country. My views of our political 
state, and of the war, in which we are engaged, I 
have lately unfolded, and shall not now repeat them. 
The question is, what conduct belongs to a good 
citizen, in our present ti'ying condition. 

Our condition induces me to begin, with urging 
on you the important duty of cherishing respect for 
civil government, and a spirit of obedience to the 
laws. I am sensible, that many whom I address 
consider themselves called to oppose the measures 
of our present rulers. Let this opposition breathe 
nothing of insubordination, impatience of authority, 
or love of cbange. It becomes you to remember, 
that government is one of the noblest and most val- 
uable of human institutions — essential to the im- 
provement of our nature — the spring of industry and 
enterprizc — the shield of property and life — the re- 
fuge of the weak aud oppressed. It is to the secu- 
rity which laws afford, that we owe the successful 
application of human powers — the progress of the 
useful and elegant arts — the splendour of the city — 
and the beauties of the cultivated field. Govern- 
ment, I know, has often been perverted by ambi- 
tion and other selfish passions ; but it still holds a 
distinguished rank among those institutions, by 
which man has been rescued from barbarism, and 
conducted through the iiidcr stages of society, to 
the habits of order, the diversified employments and 
dependences, the refined and softened manners, the 
intellectual, moral and religious improvements of 
the age in which we live. We are bound to re- 
spect government, as the foundation of the social 
edifice — the great security for social happiness ; and 
we should carefully cherish that habit of obedience 



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to the [a.W9, without which the ends of government 
cannot he accomplished. All wanton opposition 
to the constitjted authorities ; all censures of ru- 
lers, originating in a factious, aspiring, or enviout 
spirit ; all unwillingness to submit to laws, which 
are directed to the welfare of the community, should 
be rebuked and repressed by the frown of publick 
indignation. 

It is impossible, that all the regulations of the 
wisest government should equally 1)enefit every in- 
dividual of the society ; and uometimes the general 
good will demand arrangements, which will inter- 
fere with the interests of particular members, or 
classes of the nation. In sucli circumstances, the 
individual is bound to regard the inconveniences 
under which he suffers, as inseparable from a social, 
connected state ; as the result of the condition, which 
God has appointed ; and not an the fault of his ru. 
lers ; and he should cheerfully submit, recollecting 
how much more he receives from tlie community, 
than Jic is called to resign- to it. VisafPection to- 
wards a government, wliicli is administered with a 
view to the general welfare, is a great crime ; and 
such opposition, even to a bad government, as 
infuses into subjects a restless tcmpor, an un- 
willingness to yield to wholesome and neces- 
sary restraint, deserves no better name. In pro- 
portion as a people want a conscientious regard to 
the laws, and are prepared tu evade them by fraud, 
or to arrest their operation by violenct; ; in that 
proportion they need and deserve an arbitrary gov- 
ernment, strong enough to crush at a blow every 
symptom of opposition. 

These general remarks on the duty of ^submission 
are ?)y no means designed to teach, that i ulers arti 



mgi^m 



never to be opposed. Because 1 wish to guard you 
against that turbulent and discontented spirit, which 
f recipitates free communities into anarchy, and thus 
prepares them for chains, you will not consider me 
as asserting, that all opposition to government, what- 
ever be the occasion, or whatever the form, is io bo 
branded as a crime. Subjects have rights as well 
as duties. Government is instituted for one and a 
single end, — the beneftt of the governed ; the protec- 
tion, peace, and welfare of society ; and when it 
is perverted to otLer objects, to purposes of avarice, 
ambition, or party spirit, we are authorized and even 
bound to make such opposition, as is suited to restore 
it to its proper end, to render it as pure as the im- 
perfection of our nature and state will admit. 

The scriptures have sometimes been thought to 
enjoin an unqualified, unlimited subjection to the 
<< higher powers ;" but if we attend, we shall see 
that the injunction is founded on the principle, that 
these powers are << ministers of God for good," are 
a terror to evil doers, and an encouragement to those 
that do well. When a government wants this char- 
acter, when it becomes an engine of oppression, the 
scriptures enjoin subjection no longer. Expedience 
may make it our duty to obey, but the government 
has lost its rights ; it can no longer urge its claims 
as an ordinance of God. 

There have, indeed, been times, when sovereigns 
have demanded subjection as an unalienable right, 
and when the superstition of subjects has surround- 
ed them with a mysterious sanctity, with a majesty 
approaching the divine. But these days have past. 
Under the robe of office, we, my hearers, have learn- 
ed to see a man, like ourselves ; invested with dig- 
nity for the benefit of his fellows ; most honourable, 



most worthy our reverence^ when, in the sifirit of the 
universal sovereign, he employs power to execute 
justice and dispense blessings ; and most degraded 
and worthless amidst all his pomp, when he for^ 
gets that his power is a tnist, aud prostitutes it to 
eelfish ends. There is no such sacredness in in- 
lers, as forbids scrutiny into their motives, or con- 
demnation of their conduct. If indeed elevation of 
rank gave elevation to the character, implicit confi- 
dence in government would be our duty. But ru- 
lers, when they leave the common walks of life, 
leave none of their imperfections behind them. 
Power has even a tendency to corrupt — to feed an 
ii-regular ambition — to harden the heart against tho 
claims and sufferings of mankind. Rulers have 
generally seemed to be raised too high for sympa- 
thy, and have often sported with human rights and 
happiness, for the purpose of extending, or display- 
ing their power. Rulers are qot to be viewed 
with a malignant jealousy ; but they ought to be in- 
spected with a watchful, undazzled eye. Their 
virtues and services are to be rewarded with gener- 
ous praise ; and their crimes, and arts, and usurpa- 
tions should be exposed with a fearless sincerity, to 
the indignation of an injured people. We arc not 
to be factious, and neither are we to be servile. 
With a sincere disposition to obey, should be unit- 
cd a firm purpose not to be oppressed. 

So far is an existing government from being cloth- 
ed with an inviolable sanctity, that subjects, in par- 
ticular circumstances, acquire the right, not only of 
remonstrating, but of employing force for its des- 
truction. This right accrues to subjects, when a 
government wantonly disregards the ends of social 



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uniuu ; when it threatens the subvei'ttion uf national 
liberty and happiness ; when it makes encruachmentii 
which; if endured, will lead to the prostration of all 
the rights of a people ; and when no relief but force 
remains to the suffering community. This howcv« 
er is a right which cannot be exercised with too 
much deliberation. Subjects should very slowly 
yield to the conviction, that loilers have that settled 
hostility to their interests, which authorizes violence. 
They must not indulge a spirit of complaint, and 
suffer their passions to pranounce on their wrongs. 
They must remember, that tiie best government will 
partake the imperfection of all human institutions, 
and that if the ends of the social compact are in any 
tolerable degree accomplished, ihcy will be mad in- 
deed to hazard the blcMHings they possess, for the 
possibility of greater good. They should weigh, 
not only the evils they suffer, but the evils of resist, 
ance ; the tumultuous state in which an appeal to 
force may leave them ; the danger of dissolving in> 
stead of improving society. They should anxiously 
inquire, if no methods, more peaceful, will bring 
them relief. 

It becomes us to rejoice, my friends, that wc live 
under a constitution, one great design of which is — 
to prevent the necessity of appealing to force — to 
give the people an opportunity of removing, with, 
out violence, those rulers from whom they suffer, or 
apprehend an invasion of rights. This is one of the 
principal advantages of a republick over an absolute 
government. In a despotism, there is no remedy 
for oppression but force. The subject cannot influ- 
ence publick affairs, but by convulsing the state. 
With us, nilers may be changed, without the hor- 



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ton of a revolution. A republican government se* 
cures to its subjects this immense privilege, by con- 
Arming to them two most important rights; the 
right of suflV'age, and the right of discussing with 
ft«edom the conduct of rulers. The value of these 
rights in affording a peaceful method of redressing 
publick grievances cannot be expressed, and the duty 
of maintaining them, of never surrendering them, 
cannot be too strongly urged : resign cither of these, 
and no way of escape from oppression will bo left 
yoUj but civil commotion. 

From the important place which these rights 
hold in a republican government, you should con- 
sider yourselves bound to support every cit- 
izen in the lawful exercise of them, especially when 
an attempt is made to wrest them from any by vio- 
lent means. At the present time, it is particularly 
your duty to guard, with jealousy, the right of ex- 
pressing with freedom your honest convictions res-, 
pecting the measures of your rulers. Without this, 
the right of election is not worth possessing. If 
publick abuses may not be exposed, their authors will 
never be driven from power. Freedom of opinion, 
of speech; and of the press, is our most valuable 
privilege — the very soul of republican institutions — 
the safeguard of all other rights. We may learu 
its value if we reflect, that there is nothing which 
tyrants so much dread. They anxiously fetter the 
press ; they scatter spies through society, that tho 
murmurs, anguish, and indignation of their oppress- 
ed subjects may be smothered in their own breasts $ 
that no generous sentiment may be nourished by 
sympathy and mutual confidence. Nothing awak- 
tna and improves men so much as free commucica' 



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10 

tion of thoughts and feelings. Nothing can give to 
publick sentiment that correctness^ which is essential 
to the prosperity of a commonwealth, but the free 
circulation of truth, from the lips and pens of the 
wise and good. If such men abaadon the right of 
free discussion — if, awed by threats, they suppress 
their convictions-^if rulers succeed in silencing ev- 
ery voice, but that which ap^»roves them — if nothing 
reaches the people, but what will lend support to 
men in power — farewell to liberty. The form of a 
free government may remain, but the life, the soul, 
the substance is fled. 

If these remarks be just, nothing ought to excite 
greater indignation and alarm, than the attempts, 
which have lately been made to destroy the frcedoir 
of the press. We have lived to hear the strange 
doctrine, that to expose the measures of rulers is 
treason ; and we have lived to see this doctrine car- 
ried into practice. We have seen a savage popu- 
lace excited and let loose on men, whose crime con- 
sisted in bearing testimony against the present war ; 
and let loose, not merely to waste their property, 
but to shed their blood, to tear them from the ref- 
uge which the magistrate bad afforded, to slaughter 
them with every circumstance of crielty and igno- 
miny. I do not intend to describe that night of hor- 
rors, to show to you citizens, who had fought the 
battles of their country, beaten to the earth, trod- 
den under foot, mangled, dishonoured ! — What 
ought to alarm us even more than Ihis di'eadful 
scene is, the disposition which has been discovered 
to exte!nuate these atrocities, to speak of this bloody 
outrage as a mode of punishment, irregular indeed, 
yet mitigated by the guilt of those who presumed to 



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arraign their rulers. 



In this and in other language^ 
there have been symptoms of a purpose, to terrify 
into silence those, who disapprove the calaTaitous 
war, under which we suffer ; to deprive us of the only 
method, which is left, of obtaining a wiser and bet- 
ter government. The cry has been, that war is de- 
clared, and all opposition should therefore be hush- 
ed. A sentiment more unworthy of a free country 
can hardly be propagated. If this doctrine be ad- 
mitted, rulers have only to declare war and, they 
are screened at once from scrutiny. At the very 
time when they have armies at command, when their 
patronage is most extended, and their power most 
formidable, not a word of warning, of censure, 
of alarm must be heard. The press, which is to 
expose inferior abuses, must not utter one rebuke, 
one indignant complaint, although our best inter- 
ests, and most valuable rights are put to hazard, 
by an unnecessary war. Admit this doctrine, let 
rulers once know that by placing the country in a„ 
state of war, they place themselves beyond the on- 
ly power they dread, the power of free discussion, 
and we may expect war without end. Our peace 
and all our interests require, that a different senti- 
ment prevail. We should make our present and 
all future loilers feel, that there is no measure, for 
which they must render so solemn an acount to 
their constituents, as for a declaration of war ; that 
no measure will be so freely, so fully di&cussed ; and 
that no administration can succeed, in persuading 
l^is people to exhaust their treasure and blood in 
supporting war, unless it be palpably necessary mA 
just. In war then, as in peace, assert the freedom 
of speech and of the press. Cling to this, as t^* 
bulwark of all your riajlits and privileges. 






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fiut, my friends, I should not be faithful, were I 
only to call you to hold fast this freedom. I 
would still more earnestly exhort you not to abuse 
it. Its abuse may be as fatal to our country as its 
relinquishment. Every blessing may, by perver- 
sion, be changed into a curse, and this is peculiarly 
true of the press. If undirected, unrestrained by 
principle, the press, instead of enlightening, de- 
praves the publick mind ; and, by its licentiousness, 
forges chains for itself and for the community. The 
riglit of free discussion is not the right of saying 
what Ave please, what our passions prompt ; not the 
right of diffusing falsehood and evil principles.—* 
Nothing is to be spoken or written but the truths and 
tmth is so to be expressed, that the bad passions of 
the community shall not be called forth, or at least 
shall not be unnecessarily excited. From what 
wretchedness would our country be saved, were 
these simple rules observed. On political subjects, 
iliere is less regard to truth, more of false colouring 
and exaggeration, than on any other. The influ^ 
ciTce of the press is very much diminished by its 
gross and frequent misrepresentations. Each par- 
ty listens with distmst to the statements of the oth- 
er and the consequence is, that the progress of truth 
is slow, and sometimes wholly obstructed. Whilst 
we encourage the free expiession of opinion, let 
us unite in fixing the brapd of infamy on falsehood 
and slander, wherever they originate ; whatever b» 
the cause they are designed to maintain. 

But it is not enough that truth be told. It should 
be told for a good end ; not to irritate but to con^ 
vince ; not to inflame the bad passions, but to 
sway the judgment and to awaken sentiments of 



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patriotism. In thi^i country, political discussion bas 
decidedly an unhappy ifluence on the temper. 
Many talk and write c the simple purpose of 
wounding their opponents. There are, compara- 
tively, few attempts to mollify. Those who have 
embraced error are confirmed, hardened in their 
principles, by the reproachful epithets, which are 
heaped upon them by their adversaries. I do not 
mean by this, that political discussion is to be con- 
ducted with a frigid tameness, that no sensibility is 
to be expressed, no indignation to be poured forth 
on wicked men and wicked deeds. But this I mean^ 
that we should deliberately inquire, whether indig- 
nation be deserved, before we express it ; and the 
object of expressing it should ever be, not to infuse 
ill-will, rancour, and fury into the minds of men, 
but to excite an enlightened and conscientious op- 
position to injurious measures. He who addresses 
his fellowcitizens on political topicks, should ever 
propose to impart correct principles, and to awaken 
pure and honourable feelings ; and the press, when 
employed for other ends, is grossly perverted. 

Every good man must mourn, that so much is con- 
tinually spoken, written and published among us, 
for no other apparent end, than to gratify the malev- 
olence of one party, by wounding the feelings of the 
opposite. The consequence is, that an alarming de- 
gree of irritation exists in our country. Fellowcit- 
izens burn with mutual hatred, and some are evi- 
dently ripe for outrage and violence. In this fever- 
ish state of the publick mind, we are not to relinquish 
free discussion, but every man should feel the duty 
of speaking and writing with deliberation. It i» 
the time to he firm icithout passion. No menace 



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slionid be employed to provoke opponents — no de-. 
fiance hurled^no language nsed M^hicli will^in any 
measure, justify the ferocious in appealing to force. 

By this langaage I do not mean to suggest, that I 
anticipate scenes of violence and murder, such as 
have lately been exhibited in other parts of oui land, 
as have made our hearts thrill with grief, indignation, 
and horror. I have too much confidence in the 
good principles and habits of this section of our 
country. I trust, that none of us shall live, to hear 
the yell of a murderous mob ringing through our 
city, to see our streets flowing with the blood of 
citizens, butchered by the hand of citizens. But, 
ray friends, there is a violence in the passions of 
this community, which ought to give us some alarm ; 
which ought to set us all on our guard, lest, by our 
rashness, and intemperate language, we gradually 
lead on to a tremendous convulsion. 

The sum of my remarks is this. It is your duty 
to hold fast and to assert with firmness those truths 
and principles on which the welfare of your country 
seems to depend ; but do this with calmness, with 
a love of peace, without ill will and revenge. Im- 
prove every opportunity of allaying animosities. 
Strive to make converts of those whom you think 
in error : do not address them, as if you wished to 
make them bitter enemies to yourselves and your 
cause. Discourage in decided and open language, 
that rancour, malignity, and unfeeling abuse, which 
so often find their way into our publick prints, and 
which only tend to increase the already alarming 
irritation of our country. Remember, that in propor- 
tion as a people become enslaved to their passions, 
ihey fall into the hands of the aspiring and unprin- 






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15 

cipled ; and that a corrupt government, which has 
an interest in deceiving the people, can desire noth- 
ing more favourable to their purposes, than a fren- 
zied state of the publick mind. 

My friends, in this day of discord, let us cherish 
and breathe around us the benevolent spirit of Chris- 
tianity. Let us reserve to ourselves this consola- 
tion, that we have added no fuel to the flames, no 
violence to the storms, which threaten to desolate our 
country. To Christian benevolence, let us add the 
higher duties of piety, a cheerful obedience and 
resignation to the will of our Creator. Thus liv- 
ing we shall not live in vain. In the most calami- 
tous times, we shall bless those who are placed with- 
in our influence ; wo shall carry within us con- 
sciences void of offence ; and we shall be able to look 
up to God, as our approving and protecting father, 
who, after appointing us the trials which we need, 
will grant us everlasting rest in beavea. 



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